I have been struggling for the last 4 years to understand how, in the face of the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 so little progress has been made to tackle racial discrimination in Britain. When I saw the draft statutory guidance from the Commission for racial Equality I was relieved, at last we had a mechanism for tackling racial discrimination. The Act moved from requesting politely that people stopped discriminating against other people because of their colour, racial, national or ethnic origin to demanding that Public authorities demonstrated how they were going to stop discrimination.

In essence the Act moved from what people should do, to what they were required to do. What was most important about the Amended Act was that it placed greater emphasis on the last part of the general duty- the provision to promote good relations between people of different racial groups. The provision had been in the old Act but it was somewhat hidden and it only applied to Local Government. Finally the amended Race Relations Act gave us all tools to tackle racial discrimination.

In the period immediately after the publication of the Macpherson report into the way the police handled the murder of Stephen Lawrence there were high hopes for change and a flurry of activity by Central and Local Government.

It has been what has followed that has disappointed and now that I have looked at so many so-called Race Equality Schemes I think I know why so little has happened, and why it is that most public authorities are failing in the duty to implement racial equality.

Anyone familiar with the demand for equal rights amongst disabled people will recognise the critique of the medical model of disability. It is one that sees disabled people in terms of curable or potentially curable conditions, more worrying it sees disabled people in terms of what they cannot do, not what they can do and what they might need to deal with their impairment. It has finally occurred to me that a similar regressive model of racism is being applied by well meaning people, some of them I regret to say are also Black who see racism through the lens of what I call the ‘deficit model’. This is the idea that Black people, and Black here is being defined as people of African and Asian heritage, are suffering from a lack or deficit which must be met by applying special measures. These measures usually start with mentoring, they may include special programmes aimed only at Black people, like the one I saw recently which is targeted at Black parent to help them understand the education system.

You may wonder what is wrong with this well meaning example, it is exactly the kind of thing that is assumed to be wanted by Black people- a leg up and helping hand so why do I object? Firstly because the proposal fails to recognise that many white working class people have the same difficulty understanding and advocating on behalf of their children within the education system. As consequence it does not meet the third part of the general duty to ’promote good relations between people of different racial groups’. If you are White and your son or daughter attend the same school as a Black child you might justifiably be resentful if you discover that you are not eligible for support to understand the education system but your Black neighbour is. This approach assumes that it is not necessary to look critically at the ways that schools inform and involve parents, and the barriers it erects to put working class (Black and White) parents down. Schools and other institutions make assumptions and act upon stereotypes but rather than examining those assumptions and stereotypes they pathologies.

Black people, who, by the way are rarely assumed to occupy a class or economic position. White working class people are described as ‘working class’ whilst Black people are black without a class; defined solely on colour, ethnic or nation origin.

Lets looks at the example taken from so-called Race Equality Schemes published by Government departments or Inspection bodies who advice public authorities.

Example 1

Taken from Ofsted Draft Race Equality Scheme 2006.

“Inspection has an important part to play in promoting good race relations, by pointing out where providers need to take action to meet their statutory duties in eliminating unlawful racial discrimination, promoting equal opportunities and encouraging good race relations, and by disseminating examples of good practice. Inspectors evaluate the impact of race equality work and report their findings in the leadership and management section of inspection reports and through evaluation of the achievement of various groups of learners from black and minority ethnic (BME) backgrounds.” (My emphasis).

Commentary on example 1:

Ofsted clearly think that all it has to do is look at the achievement records of Black and minority ethnic learners, but don’t they, in the process need to look at the achievement of White learners?

Presumably if the sample examined is doing well according to the criteria no further action is needed.

But if all attention were focused upon BME children at the expense of White children this might be overlooked. I have no way of knowing whether the latter situation is probable or likely to arise, but I would hope that the Inspection of a School would be looking at all the achievements of all children at see whether patterns of discrimination were present. More significantly the Inspection of schools should be looking a range of factors recommended by the CRE for example schools exclusions, membership of governing bodies, curriculum teaching and learning etc.

Example 2

In the section called Current position and priorities Ofsted writes: “Employment and training”.

Ofsted’s staff consists of Her Majesty’s Inspectors (HMI), Child Care Inspectors (CCI), managers and administrative staff. The profile of the organisation shows that 82.6% of employees are from white ethnic groups (March 2005 data), with 14% from other ethnic groups and 3.4% of unknown background. The most recent (2001) census for England shows 89.9% of the population are from white ethnic groups. Analysis shows that 8.3% of inspectors employed by Ofsted are from minority ethnic groups (5% of HMI and 9.3% of CCI). Minority ethnic groups are most clearly under-represented in Senior Civil Service grades (directors and senior managers). New data will be available shortly and used for the published scheme.

Very few additional inspectors from minority ethnic groups were deployed by contracted inspection providers in new inspections taking place in autumn 2005.

For our administrative staff, the proportion from backgrounds other than white is highest at the lowest grades. Some 22% of administrative staff is of non-white background, with a further 7% of unknown ethnic heritage. Ofsted is developing an action plan to increase the proportion of BME staff in higher level posts. This includes training, recruitment, promotion and induction processes to meet our obligations under the RR(A)A.”

Commentary on example 2:

Ofsted seem to be under the impression that they are required to play a numbers game. The issue surely is what training exists for all inspectors so that they know how to recognise compliance or failure to meet the duties of the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 as they apply to schools. It may help if a higher percentage of inspectors are from ethnic minority communities, but it would not automatically guarantee better compliance with the Act to have say 20% of Inspectors from BME communities.

This is a classic mistake about race equality, that numbers of employees will in and of itself make a difference to racial equality. With luck it may, but in the case of education it may be just as important that a White inspector inspecting a school with only a handful of Black pupils has as important a job to do inspecting for racial equality than a Black inspector inspecting an Inner City School. I would suggest that all inspectors of schools, Black or White should be equipped to inspect schools and have due regard to the duties on racial equality and the forthcoming duties on disability.

Example 3

Taken from The Department of Culture Media and Sport Race Equality Scheme 2002- 2005, no new scheme is available in their website, and despite repeated request via their enquiry page I have not yet seen the new Race Equality Scheme if it exists.

It is the responsibility of us all, not just managers, to contribute to and promote an environment free from unfair discrimination and bullying. Line managers have additional responsibilities and will need to:

We value the benefits of a diverse and varied workforce and are committed to providing the support and encouragement needed to ensure that everyone is given the opportunity to reach their full potential and make an effective contribution to the work of the Department.

Commentary on example 3:

The Annual report of the departments performance indicates that 28 of the most senior post holders bar one is white out of a total staff of 527. 13% have identified as ethnic minority and 96% of them occupy the lower grades. I make no comment on the merit or competency of post holders. But the data seems to show that most managers are White men, and yet it is ethnic minority groups, women and people with disabilities who are to be identified for special training. This is a perfect illustration of the deficit model. According to this value statement in the Race Equality Scheme, managers are to identify training that other people should have so that bullying and discrimination do not occur. I would suggest that if there is bullying and discrimination in the workplace it might be useful if managers, most of whom are White men, should receive training on how to recognise and deal with it.

Example 4

From ODPM Beacon Council Status; Promoting racial equality August 2001

Positive Action to Meet Special Needs

Where particular black or minority ethnic communities have needs which are different to the majority, or have needs which are felt particularly acutely in their community, service providers will want to consider how best to meet these needs. The law permits measures to meet special needs of particular racial groups. One example has been the provision of sheltered housing and residential care for older people from minority ethnic communities.

Commentary on example 4:

This is a classic example of the Deficit Model, it assumes that black and ethnic minority people need special measures. Although this example is taken from 2001 it is still on the DCLG website in June 2006. We might assume therefore that the sentiments fo the guide to good practcie are still endorced by the Department. Are servcies which are delivered to White people called specail measures?

Example 5

Key Features of an Organisation Promoting Race Equality, taken from the Beacon Status Research report

Commentary on example 5:

This example demonstrates a significant misunderstanding of what the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 requires. It specifically does not say that the focus should only be upon ethnic minority people, it says that the duty of the Local Authority( and other public Authorities) make sure that they are not discriminating against any racial group where it cannot be justified.

There are many further examples which could be selected from documents produced by Government in the name of racial equality but the above examples provide a reasonable flavour .

They are by no means untypical and looking at all of the Race Equality Schemes of Central Government and the Inspectorates which advise on many of the major public services, the picture is no better.

The fundamental flaw is that few people seem to have understood what they are required to do, but just as worrying is that it is now over 4 years since they have been required to understand and implement the racial equality laws. It is no wonder that there has been so little progress on racial equality when senior Civil servants think that it is about being seen to take a few high profile but token measure which have a race equality ’flavour’.

The Model is racist

There is something fundamentally racist about the deficit model. It is based upon stereotypes - for example all Asian women cannot speak English and are oppressed by their husbands/fathers/sons. All Caribbean families are dysfunctional/matriarchal/without fathers. But the model does not set out to be racist, in fact those that advocate it will be horrified to read this critique of their common( and well-meaning) practice. They may say that they are responding to the demands made by Black people for special treatment and measures. And indeed they might be, but here we are not considering the genesis of the Deficit Model or who is to blame. We are considering whether, in the light of the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 the model itself is consistent with the general duty of the Act.

Where is the action to eliminate unlawful racial discrimination, or to promote equal opportunity ( to all) the Act does not define or propose that an equal opportunity should only be provided to Black people. And more significantly where is the duty to promote good relations between people of different racial groups? These three component parts are called the general duty of the Act. They must all be done, you cannot pick or choose which part you meet. The duty applies to all 43,000 public Authorities, from Schools, Hospitals, local and central Government, Museums, and so on. And from th examples above it is clear that they have not understood what they should be doing.

Gesture Politics?

It is noticeable over the last few years how strongly the politics of gestures has crept in and taken over from strategic action. There is nothing wrong, per se with mentoring schemes, role models, assertiveness training etc, but on their own they reinforce the Deficit Model. Some people will benefit through increased confidence and advice from these programmes that might otherwise not have done. But on their own, which they frequently are, these gestures give the impression of action whilst the institution remains unchanged. So a mentoring scheme for ethnic minority staff is boasted in the Annual report but nothing done to address the over representation of Black employees receiving lower average bonuses or who leave the organisation because of racial discrimination.

The existence of these schemes may be quite beneficial for those who take advantage of them but they can cause legitimate resentment if class is ignored. What is the point of encouraging a public school educated Black man to be a mentee, if the organisation ignores the under utilisation of working class White men and women working alongside the him? Role models are now universally referred to but again they assume that what many of us need to is the simple encouragement of someone who has made it, to encourage us to overcome the barriers we face. It does not necessarily assist me that Margaret Thatcher as a women became leader of a Political Party and became the Prime Minister. Even if I admired her politics, I could not say that by virtue of being a ‘first’ she has in some way made it easier for me or for any other women becoming an MP.

And even on the smaller quieter initiatives of assertiveness training or self-defence classes the assumption is that the recipient lacks something which can be provided externally. If women are being drowned out by loud men, perhaps some men might need to be quieter. A cultural change is needed so that assertive and demanding(bullying?) conduct is not encouraged or rewarded.

These examples of gestures are often cited as examples of equal opportunity polices, in fact there seem to be a whole industry out there whose purpose is to nurture well-being in the workplace by encouraging gullible employers to be seen to be ‘do something’. Even if the something is only a nod towards tackling discrimination, whilst beneath their noses, unequal pay, bullying and harassment are rife.

Diversity

Diversity is the new word on the Block, its use seems not to mean all of us, but is used by some organisations to mean that we can now move on from looking at race and instead address all equality considerations. This would be acceptable if racial discrimination had been tackled, or even if we were well on the way to tackling it, but instead the deficit model with its stereotypes about Black people are now being extended to cover all other groups; so we get a new set of stereotypes about women, disabled people, young people, old people, faiths and religions. And whilst we jockey for position in the new Commission for Equality and Human Rights we seem to have lost sight of the fact that there is currently no real understanding of what equality diversity or human rights for all mean. If the Interim Report on the Equalities Review is anything to do go by we are likely to be more confused and see less progress towards equality, respect and freedom from discrimination for all people if this patronising and individualistic muddle continues.

Conclusion

The deficit model is part of the problem, some might say a large part of the problem because if we wish to eliminate unlawful discrimination, promote equality of opportunity and promote good relations between people from different groups we have to start from a place of mutual respect and parity of esteem. But if I think that you are less able from me because you have a physical impairment this is not mutual respect. You may be able to do things that I cannot do and vice versa. Who is to say which of us is more useful or able than the other? We currently have a society in which our worth or merit is determined by our class, ethnicity, gender disability, age, sexuality , religion or beliefs. The fact that we may possess these differences does not make it inevitable that we should be treated less equality. We could build a society in which we place a different value on these and other differences. Let us instead be judged by the content of our characters not by what we lack or how much we fall short of the ideal. We currently have a society in which the rules are made by the rulers and the rulers reflect one small elite section of society. If the majority of us jettison the deficit model we might find that we have more in common than we have apart. Now that would be revolutionary.

Linda Bellos